Uncategorized

Conservation Easements

While at the G.A. this year, I saw this bill come through and thought it might be an example of Republican lawmakers doing good. Patrons:

• R. Lee Ware, Jr. (chief patron)
• David B. Albo
• Clifford L. Athey, Jr.
• Vincent F. Callahan, Jr.
• John A. Cosgrove
• William H. Fralin, Jr.
• Thomas D. Gear
• C. Todd Gilbert
• S. Chris Jones
• Terry G. Kilgore
• R. Steven Landes
• Daniel W. Marshall, III
• Harvey B. Morgan
• David A. Nutter
• John M. O’Bannon, III
• Thomas Davis Rust
• Robert J. Wittman
• Thomas C. Wright, Jr.

Apparently, Virginia is kind to folks who want to help conserve land and conserve their money, too.
Those tax benefits have fueled an explosion in easements, particularly in Virginia, which offers additional state tax credits. In 1995, Virginia landowners placed easements on fewer than 6,000 acres; last year, the figure exceeded 35,000.

But the IRS has other ideas. Seems it just another ploy to give developers a way to rob the treasury.

Meanwhile, the Democratic supervisor in Fairfax makes a fool of himself.

To support his argument that more homes could have been built on the property, [the developer] Turner introduced a letter signed by Fairfax County Supervisor Gerald W. Hyland (D-Mount Vernon) saying that Turner had the “right” to build 62 houses. But Hyland testified that Turner wrote the letter and that Hyland signed it without checking whether it was accurate.

Nice move, Gerry. I guess if business interests can write legisaltion, they surely can write letters for lawmakers signatures.

Politics Lost, #1

I just finished Joe Klein’s new book, Politics Lost: How American Democracy Was Trivialized by People Who Think You’re Stupid. It basically criticizes consultants as cautious and destructive, while candidates are weak and lack leadership qualities. There’s much to like in this book. I will, from time to time, just quote from it.

Television demanded transparency and the rules of presidential politics were changed. The voters took control, selecting the candidates in a maddening chaos of state-by-state campaigns. By 1976, the process had been turned upside down: a politician most Americans never heard of –Governor Jimmy Carter of Georgia–won the nomination to the bemusement of Democrats (and Ronald Reagan nearly unseated the sitting Republican president, Gerald Ford). Presidential politics was now a matter of self-promotion rather than smoke-filled selection by political experts. Over time, journalists found convenient, and often foolish, ways to quantify the anarchy: money raised, standing in the polls, endorsements. These, rather than a sober assessment of character and leadership ability, became the yardsticks for presidential plausibility.

Indeed they are.

Marriage Amendment Debate

The president has decided to again jump into the marriage amendment debate with an announcement of his support next week. No surprise here. He has been low-keyed about it since the election.

But critics said the only reason Bush and Frist are reviving the issue is for election-year pandering to conservative voters, who, polls show, have grown disaffected with the president for various reasons.

If critics indeed say that the Republicans have no problem, they need to say it better than this.

“They understand that they are in deep trouble and they need to do anything they can to appease their people, which is the right-wing base,” said Joe Solmonese, president of the Human Rights Campaign, a gay rights organization. “This is an age-old political tactic, which is when everything is falling down around you — as it is for the administration — you go for your base.”

About half way through the first sentence, it needs editing.

“They understand that they are in deep trouble and they need to do anything they can to shore up support from the few people for whom the marriage amendment is most important. This is an age-old political tactic, which is when everything is falling down around you — as it is for the administration — you go for whatever support you can get.”

It does little good to characterize supporters of the amendment, much less call them “right-wing base.” But all in all, Solomonese’s comment is much better than this.

“Because polls show that the American people, including their core supporters, have completely rejected their failed agenda, President Bush and (Senate Majority Leader) Bill Frist are once again pushing a hate-filled constitutional amendment that attacks LGBT Americans,” [Democratic National Committee spokesman Damien] LaVera stated. LGBT is the acronym used for “lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender” individuals.

“…I think the American people are tired of the politics of fear and division and are ready for leaders who will focus on the issues that matter most to them, like health care and the cost of gasoline,” LaVera said. “We’re going to do everything we can to make sure this hate-filled, divisive amendment does not pass.

It’s clear that the federal amendment hasn’t a chance of passing. Why enflame the debate by calling the opposition names? Time is on our side.

A recent Pew Research Center poll found that most Americans do not support same-sex marriage but concluded that opposition has softened in the last two years. In 2004, 63 percent of Americans opposed same-sex marriage and 30 percent approved. In March, 51 percent opposed it and 39 percent supported it.

In 20 years, we will have won this debate; any state statutes will be repealed by the younger generation who by and large is much more tolerant of gay rights. Calling it “hate-filled” and “right-wing” solidifies the opposition. Call people names and you pretty much stop any reasoned debate and diminish your chances of either converting them or at the least getting them to be less passionate about the issue.. Even Bush is sensitive to overreaching.

The White House told activists that Monday’s speech would be in the Rose Garden, but after criticism that he was using such a symbolic site, the White House moved it to an office building next door.

A better response by opponents:

The administration should be focusing on other issues facing Americans, said Jay Smith Brown, director of communications for the Human Rights Campaign.

“With the high gas prices and the war in Iraq and the real challenges facing American families, [the fact that Bush is] now going to have spoken on this twice in the Rose Garden and not addressed any of the other challenges is a real disgrace,” Brown told Cybercast News Service.

Until he gets here.

But Brown asserted that “people will see this for what it is – a political attempt to bow to extremists.”

It’s not a bad idea to criticize outrageous charges.

In one North Carolina congressional district, for instance, Republican challenger Vernon Robinson has aired a radio ad attacking Democratic Rep. Brad Miller with mariachi music playing in the background: “Brad Miller supports gay marriage and sponsored a bill to let American homosexuals bring their foreign homosexual lovers to this country on a marriage visa. If Miller had his way, America would be nothing but one big fiesta for illegal aliens and homosexuals.”

Miller has a pretty good comeback.

Miller voted against the Marriage Protection Amendment in 2004, saying the matter should be left to the states. “The republic has survived pretty well for 220 years with marriage based on state law,” he said yesterday. “I don’t think we ought to amend the constitution every time a politician wants to campaign on an issue.” Miller said he supports North Carolina law banning same-sex marriage but is open to civil unions between gay partners.

If he indeed supports the state law, why not lead with “Mr. Robinson has deliberately lied about my position. I do not support gay marriage and he knows it.”

What might have made this response even better is something along the lines of:

“The republic has survived pretty well for 220 years with marriage based on state law. I don’t think we ought to amend the constitution every time a politician wants to campaign on an issue. More important is that we are criminalizing and ostracizing people for behavior that has no impact on our lives, while we are ignoring issues that really do matter to all of us.”

He might also consider acknowledging what may really be driving the opposition. While certainly there are many people — and most of the leaders of the gay marriage amendment push, in my opinion — who are simply bigoted and see the issue as a way to drive the people they need to the polls. But many may see marriage threatened, and gays are just a symbol of their concern about the moral direction of this country. It may be that what turns them off about gays, as unfair as it may be, is the stereotype they have in their heads: flamboyant sexuality. But they may also dislike as much flamboyant heterosexuality they see on MTV. While our society has become more sexually explicit, there are too many divorces, single-parent families and forgotten children. I wonder if Rep. Miller had framed and acknowledged their fears by following up his remarks with:

“I, too, am concerned about the institution of marriage and the breakdown of moral values. But we don’t strengthen heterosexual marriage by demonizing people whose commitment to each other is likely to be as strong as ours is to each other. I’d rather work to find ways to make marriage stronger in this country, to lower the divorce rate and to help preserve nurturing and safe environments for children. We cannot lose sight of the larger concerns we have in heterosexual marriages by looking for scapegoats.”

Meanwhile, we need to point out that the federal amendment, as well as Virginia’s, goes far beyond prohibiting gay marriages.

The Marriage Protection Amendment would ban same-sex marriages, but sponsors say it would allow state legislatures to approve civil unions with similar benefits for gay couples. In its entirety, it reads: “Marriage in the United States shall consist only of the union of a man and a woman. Neither this Constitution, nor the constitution of any State, shall be construed to require that marriage or the legal incidents thereof be conferred upon any union other than the union of a man and a woman.”

“[T]he legal incidents thereof be conferred upon any union other than the union of a man and a woman.”? That’s dangerous and we need to point it out, but we shouldn’t shrink from saying that discriminating against people because of who they love is wrong and against American ideals. We just don’t gain anything by calling them extremists or denying larger concerns they may have. Acknowledging that there is something wrong with marriage in this country may be a way of diffusing the opposition to gay marriages.

Don’t Buy In

One of the key precepts of good public communications is to not allow yourself to buy-in to someone else’s interpretations of the facts or false pretense.  Yes, “we’re all entitled to our own opinions but not our own facts” as the late Senator Patrick Daniel Moynihan once famously said.  But some facts conflict with others, and the glass can be half full or half empty.

Last night I watched Joe Scarborough.  That’s not something I usually do, but MSNBC got smart and realized that probably 3/4s of Keith Obermann’s fans were switching channels as soon as the obnoxious Rita Cosby came on, so they put Scarborough in her time slot following “Countdown.”  And even he’s beginning to think our president’s elevator doesn’t go to the top, so I’ve watched a few shows lately.

Last night, he ad three guests to talk about the immigration issue.  Here are four snippets of what Scarborough said.“Now, with 77 percent of Americans supporting a freeze or reduction in immigration levels, it’s no wonder the president’s plan is no wildly unpopular in middle America.

…. You [REP. HILDA SOLIS (D), CALIFORNIA] saw the Pew poll that says 40 percent of Americans want to keep immigration levels frozen, 37 percent actually want — actually, 40 percent want immigration levels decreased, 37 percent want to hold it steady. Only 17 percent support what the president’s talking about doing. Why is it that there’s such a disconnect between what you support and what the president supports and what middle America supports?

…You’ve [ PAT BUCHANAN, MSNBC POLITICAL ANALYST] been called just about everything that you can be called for taking a position that, again, according to this Pew poll, nearly 80 percent of Americans support. I just — I’ve got to underline this disconnect. Look, add up the numbers.  Seventeen percent of Americans are against your position and yet, you’ve been attacked for years …

… Certainly, you [BRAD BLAKEMAN, FORMER BUSH ADVISER] have to understand, as does Karl Rove and the White House, that if [the president] takes a position that 77 percent of Americans oppose, his poll numbers are going to go down.

First of all, most Americans don’t know that the president’s proposal would increase immigration.  Hell, I don’t know.  Mostly, what Scarborough was trying to say is that most Americans support the House of Representatives’ approach of “send them all home.”

Neither the congresswoman or the former Bush advisor challenged Scarborough. 

And one web site would give you all the ammunition you needed. 

"Allowing illegal immigrants who have jobs in the United States to apply for legal, temporary-worker status"

Support

Oppose

   5/16-18/06

63

29

5

2

   4/4-5/06

69

25

3

2

.

"Trying to send as many illegal immigrants back to their home countries as possible"

   5/16-18/06

55

31

11

3

   4/4-5/06

57

31

7

5

FOX News/Opinion Dynamics Poll. May 16-18, 2006. N=900 registered voters nationwide. MoE ± 3.

"Would you favor or oppose allowing illegal immigrants who have done the following to stay and work in the United States: paid a fine, been in the U.S. for at least five years, paid any back taxes they owe, can speak English, and have no criminal record?"

Favor

Oppose

Unsure

%

%

%

5/16-17/06

77

19

4

CBS News Poll. May 16-17, 2006. N=636 adults nationwide. MoE ± 4 (for all adults).

"Would you favor or oppose each of the following proposals? . . ."

Favor

Oppose

Unsure

"Creating a program that would allow illegal immigrants already living in the United States for a number of years to stay in this country and apply for U.S. citizenship if they had a job and paid back taxes"

  5/16-17/06

79

18

3

CNN Poll conducted by Opinion Research Corporation. May 16-17, 2006. N=1,022 adults nationwide. MoE ± 3.

"Do you think illegal immigrants coming to this country today take jobs away from American citizens, or do they mostly take jobs Americans don’t want?"

Take Jobs
Away

Take
Unwanted
Jobs

Both (vol.)

Unsure

%

%

%

%

5/4-8/06

36

53

9

2

4/6-9/06

34

53

11

2

CBS News/New York Times Poll. May 4-8, 2006. N=1,241 adults nationwide. MoE ± 3 (for all adults).

Pick a poll and they prove that Americans favor allowing illegal immigrants to stay or, as the Fox polls demonstrate, they’re conflicted. 

Also, note that what the poll Scarborough was referring to can be framed differently:  A majority of American favor either keeping immigration levels the same or increasing them.  Which sounds a whole lot more like the President’s plan than the House’s.

The first thing out of my mouth would be, “Joe, you’re misreading those polls.  They show that most Americans think our immigration levels are about right or should be increased.  That means that they are opposed to the House’s plan to declare all illegal immigrants felons and send them back home,  And by the way, how would you do that and how much would it cost?  Should be raise taxes to do it?”

I love asking reporters questions in interviews.  They look dumbstruck.  Most are smart enough not to try to answer.  But the next thing to do is not fill the silence.  Let them ask the question again, which they would invariably do.  And then give the same answer.

High Growth Areas

From the DLC website, comes a report that basically is a contradiction. The report states that “Republican areas are growing rapidly while Democratic areas are not.” Yet below they prove the opposite.

It is not hard to find examples of “success stories” in which non-presidential Democratic candidates have performed well in Republican-tilting high growth areas through a combination of strategic targeting and a message congenial to voters in such areas. Ken Salazar’s 2004 Senate campaign in Colorado, Mike Easley’s gubernatorial re-election campaign in North Carolina that same year, and Tim Kaine’s 2005 gubernatorial victory in Virginia are all good examples of Democrats who were able to expand the party base in fast-growing areas.

No, the base that expects you to throw money at problems and to support all the underdogs no matter how little they deserve it is dying. But it’s not due to geography. It’s a lack of vision and solutions to real problems.

The DLC offers hope.

The bottom line is that Democrats should not rely solely on demography or mobilization to win close elections at the national level and in many states. Later this year, the DLC will release new public opinion research examining the characteristics and views of persuadable voters in high-growth areas, and the progressive messages and policies best suited to reach them. But for the moment, we believe it is important that Democrats look at the country as it is, and as it is likely to be, and dedicate themselves to an effort to expand their ranks into what has previously been considered “enemy territory.”

Of course, the DLC could just call Del. David Poisson or Sen. Mark Herring, or Del. Chuck Caputo or Del. Shannon Valentine, or…

Level Playing Field

Earlier this month, I wrote that a principle theme Virginia Democrats should rally around is “strong communities.” It conjures up an image that many voters will respond to. At the same time it appeals to a well-established concept of “common good” to which Americans have often responded.

“Common good” is a theme John Halpin And Ruy Teixeira espouse in “The Politics of Definition.” While the authors don’t focus on the “level playing field” theme, they recognize it follows.

A primary goal of government in this approach is to ensure basic fairness and opportunity: the civil, legal, and economic arrangements necessary to ensure every American has a real shot at his or her dreams. Common-good progressivism does not guarantee that everybody will be the same, think the same, or get the same material benefits in life; it simply means that people should start from a level playing field and have a reasonable chance at achieving success.

Advocating a “level playing field” would resonate in statewide elections, even though economic policy is more of a national responsibility. Why? Because a basic fear that Virginia workers will fail their children.

The increasing divide between the upper and lower income groups is driving a sense that the system is rigged. Even middle class families whose economic viability is based principally on income find it increasingly hard to save while improving their standard of living. For the first time since the Depression, the middle class Baby Boomer generation is wondering if their children will have it as well as they do. Meanwhile, working class Virginians in the southwest and elsewhere see that their children must look for careers other than those of their parents. We must find opportunities to tell working Virginians — professionals as well as the working class — that Democrats are on their side.

The theme should be explored to see how it best manifests itself in certain regions of the state. In Northern Virginia, people are concerned that their kids won’t be able to afford to live in the area. In more depressed areas of the state, people fear their kids can’t find a job that will keep them there. Yet, economic populism that decries jobs being lost overseas is recognized for what it is — a denial of inevitable economic globalization. And slogans that cast the fight between the rich and poor fall short because the hopes of most Americans is that someday they will be rich. It’s a careful balancing act. Here is the way Halpin & Texiera cast it:

Promote a targeted populism that recognizes the ways in which corporate and power elites are unfairly enriching themselves, abusing the system, and undermining the common good. This is solely about creating a level playing field where everyone plays by the rules and not about a frontal assault on capitalist values. Common good progressives should go after specific abuses like predatory credit card debt, excessive fees for services, pension raids, corporate pollution, and lobbying corruption. Talk about the need for corporations and workers alike to take responsibility for their business practices and impact on communities. Progressives should also find ways to reward and support responsible businesses and corporate practices in addition to decrying unethical behavior.

The key is to talk about the future and how if we don’t reverse the trends, our children and grandchildren will not have it as well as we do.

But along with this, progressives must talk about problems Democrats think are taboo: means testing of Medicare and Social Security; a value-added tax that hits excessive consumption, for example. We also need to ask ourselves why if we oppose corporate welfare and support ending “welfare as we know it,” we encourage sprawl and debt by allowing homeowners to write off mortgage interest? At the very least, we might want to limit how much we allow homeowners to write off. In Virginia, we must find ways of rewarding homeowners who invest in living where there is mass transit.

But I’m getting down in the weeds, where frankly, I’m rarely comfortable. But clearly, we need to talk about the “value of work” and that it must be rewarded as well as capital investment. Why should it be so much easier for the corporate chieftain to make an extra buck than it is the mid-level supervisor or a plumber. Demanding corporations be responsible to their communities and their workers doesn’t mean you’re a socialist. Why should a guy who burglarizes a store get twice the sentence that executives who destroy thousands of livelihoods get? (Let’s see what Lay and Skilling get.) Demanding a fair shake for the gal who goes to the office everyday and the guy who makes our goods and delivers services isn’t populism; it’s basic human fairness with privilege for none.

What About Hillary?

Over the past several weeks, I’ve begun to re-think my opposition to Hillary Clinton as the nominee in ’08. My principle objection had been that she is not electable and that she’d be annihilated by Sen. John McCain. That’s still a distinct possibility. (But maybe not.) I’ve also been put off by her support for the Iraq War, or more specifically, her reluctance to disavow her vote giving Bush the authority for the invasion.

Disavowing the vote is meaningless unless you call for an immediate pullout, which I object to. I was opposed to the war from the get-go. But to pull out now would leave behind a country in chaos, a chaos we created. We have an obligation to follow in the footsteps of many before us who’ve had to clean up George W. Bush’s mistakes. We have little choice.

But with more than two years before the presidential election, I’ve been impressed with how she has portrayed herself. And I’m not convinced that it’s been a re-packaging, as many critics claim. She began life as a Republican, after all. It’s really not hard to believe that she isn’t the lefty her opponents claim.

Dan Balz’s article today is obviously the impetus for this post. But as I said, I’ve been coming to this reevaluation for several weeks.

First, I’m more inclined to take her at her word. Why shouldn’t we?, as Joe Klein asked recently on Scarborough Country. [“Media Matters” think Klein’s comments were inexcusable.]

She will have another two years, an eternity in politics, to make people believe that she is real and committed to the views she espouses. The chief problem, Balz seems to infer, is that she doesn’t have a “coherent governing philosophy” or that she has “yet to wrap up her ideas in a kind of package like the ‘New Democrat’ philosophy her husband, former president Bill Clinton, used in his 1992 campaign or the “compassionate conservative” label George W. Bush adopted in 2000.”

[Again, “Media Matters” takes Balz to task for some conclusions in his article.]

My guess is she’s too smart and has too good a mentor not to develop a slogan and articulate a governing philosophy by ’08. Balz’s implied criticism is just so much of a regurgitation of the mantra that Dems don’t have a message. Remember that her husband had several mantras — “New Democrat” “It’s the economy, stupid” and “Opportunity, Responsibility and Community.”

What’s most impressive to me is that her philosophies, as they are being outlined, have a good chance of resonating with a lot of voters, women in particular. She believes in using force abroad. Most of us are, whether it be in Iraq, Darfur, the Balkans, Rwanda or elsewhere is the question. Would any of us advocate sitting on our hands if another Holocaust developed? The misuse of force is what we must prevent as we engage in not just public diplomacy but economic rehabilitation and aid to struggling people.

One apparent underlying philosophy that will attract progressives is her belief “in the power of government to solve problems.” At the same time, “[o]n family policy, she has some traditional, even moralistic, instincts that those who know her best say are genuine and deeply felt.”

If there is one justifiable criticism of the boomer generation of liberals is their moral relativism. We have allowed the right to abscond with the whole notion of morals to the point where we think everyone must choose their own. It is one thing to believe, for example, that sex shouldn’t be condemned as only the right of baby-making married couples, but quite another to accept the misogynist rants of rap artists or the banal portrayal of women and sex on MTV. It’s one thing to defend their right to such portrayals, but progressive politicians could gain ground by arguing against much of what passes as “Hollywood values.” Coming close to the end of any impact I might have on my three young adult children, it is clear that providing a moral compass and instilling self-respect in them was my greatest challenge — and television and CDs were my greatest opponents. Maybe Hillary should campaign with Tipper Gore, founder of the Parents’ Music Resource Center. She began PMRC when my oldest was two. But it would have taken more than stickers to keep my kids away from crap. And I wasn’t very successful.

Many parents of young children today feel similarly overwhelmed. Being a little “moralistic” might indeed resonate with them, as would her “belief that our most important obligation is to take care of our children” and that she is “a big believer in self-help and personal responsibility and a work ethic that holds people responsible.” Maybe she should campaign with Bill Cosby.

Perhaps most disconcerting is Clinton’s belief that “the biggest lesson learned is that there can be no progress on health care without the business community. ‘There has to be a consensus in the public and private sector before we can ever get the political system to respond,’ she said. Unfortunately, that’s true. But maybe there’s a way of gaining some concessions from business in exchange for some of the investments big business wants in our infrastructure. Perhaps, but maybe before anything gets accomplished, we’ll need someone who is willing to return American capitalism to its roots and away from the corporate welfare state we’ve created. On that we’ve heard little from Clinton.

But we have two more years, at least.